{"id":10840,"date":"2024-02-29T14:58:36","date_gmt":"2024-02-29T13:58:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/?p=10840"},"modified":"2024-02-29T14:58:36","modified_gmt":"2024-02-29T13:58:36","slug":"orbanek-sokmillionyi-online-hirdetessel-arasztottak-el-kozep-europat-az-oszi-valasztasi-szezonban","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/orbanek-sokmillionyi-online-hirdetessel-arasztottak-el-kozep-europat-az-oszi-valasztasi-szezonban\/","title":{"rendered":"How Orb\u00e1n flooded Central Europe with millions of online ads during election season"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>At one point in his 2024 State of the Nation address, Prime Minister Viktor Orb\u00e1n said that \u201cwe cannot interfere in other countries\u2019 elections, but we would very much like to see President Donald Trump return to the White House.\u201d The Hungarian government\u2019s stance on election interference has long been characterized by this tension: they talk about Hungary not interfering in other countries\u2019 internal affairs \u2013 and state their expectation that others not interfere in Hungary\u2019s \u2013 while at the same time regularly advocating for the re-election of foreign allies, from Trump to Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.<\/p>\n<p>However, there are signs that the Hungarian government is trying to shape public discourse in foreign countries not only through statements, but also through Hungarian state resources and taxpayers\u2019 money \u2014 and, in many cases, even doing so during ongoing election campaigns.<\/p>\n<p>In the autumn of 2023, the Hungarian Prime Minister\u2019s Cabinet Office ran video campaigns on YouTube on the dangers of illegal migration in seven EU countries. These ads appeared on users\u2019 screens a total of 8.35-9.7 million times, Direkt36 and VSquare.org found by analyzing\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/adstransparency.google.com\/advertiser\/AR02268350109383131137?region=anywhere&amp;start-date=2022-01-01&amp;end-date=2023-11-15\">Google\u2019s online advertising transparency database<\/a>. In two of the seven countries \u2013 Slovakia and Poland \u2013 the ads started appearing in the run-up to parliamentary elections, while in two others \u2013 Germany and Italy \u2013 the ads ran when provincial and local elections were taking place. The ministry in charge of these campaigns \u2013 and government propaganda in general \u2013 is led by Minister Antal Rog\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<div class=\"felhivas\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/tamogass-minket\/\">Help us tell the truth in Hungary. Support our work now!<\/a><\/div>\n<p>In terms of views relative to population, the campaign was most intense in Slovakia, where between 1.6 million and 1.8 million video ads online could theoretically have reached between 29 and 33 percent of the population (the same ad can also appear more than once for the same user, according to Google\u2019s database). These online advertisements could have reached internet users who are on YouTube and have not turned off ads, and who had been targeted by the Hungarian government on the basis of age, geography, interests, etc.<\/p>\n<p>According to one expert with international experience in online political advertising campaigns, savvy advertisers set their ads to appear 5-7 times per user because that\u2019s how many views it takes for advertising to be effective.<\/p>\n<div class=\"infogram-embed\" data-id=\"1773524a-0344-444e-81d0-c24412e1f029\" data-type=\"interactive\" data-title=\"Hungarian PMO ads\"><\/div>\n<p><script>!function(e,n,i,s){var d=\"InfogramEmbeds\";var o=e.getElementsByTagName(n)[0];if(window[d]&&window[d].initialized)window[d].process&&window[d].process();else if(!e.getElementById(i)){var r=e.createElement(n);r.async=1,r.id=i,r.src=s,o.parentNode.insertBefore(r,o)}}(document,\"script\",\"infogram-async\",\"https:\/\/e.infogram.com\/js\/dist\/embed-loader-min.js\");<\/script><\/p>\n<p>Both advertisements are in English, but <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=hOiDqKOR3W4\">while one of them<\/a> offers via voiceover that \u201cHungary protects the EU from illegal migration,\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=czRzM_JjW0Y\">in the other one<\/a>, English subtitles accompany shots of the Hungary-Serbia border fence, partly filmed with night vision cameras, and tense music. The footage shows, among other things, the border fence being dismantled and the authorities protecting it being attacked from the other side of the fence. The advertisements thus formally promote the Hungarian government\u2019s anti-migrant measures. At the same time, they also stress the dangers of migration and the violence of migrants.<\/p>\n<p>These advertisements also appeared in countries when allies of the Orb\u00e1n government, also campaigning with anti-migrant slogans, were competing in parliamentary or local elections.These ads aired in the late summer-early autumn of 2023, when the migration crisis in southern Slovakia was at its peak, with tens of thousands of people from the Middle East managing to make their way to Slovakia and even southern Poland \u2014 despite allegedly strict Hungarian border protection. In response, countries in the region from Austria to Poland introduced temporary border controls.<\/p>\n<p>Hungarian advertisements have attracted the attention of Slovak politicians.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cAs a government, and personally as the Minister of Defense, I have been informed about the Hungarian government\u2019s interference in Slovakia\u2019s electoral system and processes. This includes deliberately highlighting issues like migration, which was a top priority,\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>said Jaroslav Na\u010f, Slovak defense minister between 2020 and May 2023, in a conversation with our Slovak partner, the Investigative Center of J\u00e1n Kuciak (ICJK.sk). Regarding these Hungarian online advertisements, Na\u010f expressed his belief that the Orb\u00e1n government was supporting the anti-immigration Smer party, led by old-new Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico. (Na\u010f, as a member of the then-governing O\u013eaNO party and later as the leader of the Democrats party, is a political adversary of Fico.)<\/p>\n<p>Poland\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.tygodnikpowszechny.pl\/algorytmy-demokracji-2023-jak-rzad-wegier-kierowal-do-polakow-antyimigranckie-reklamy-podczas?src=powszechnet\">Tygodnik Powszechny<\/a>, the Hungarian edition of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.szabadeuropa.hu\/a\/orban-viktor-szuverenitas-kulfoldi-valasztas-trump-vucic\/32718744.html\">Radio Free Europe<\/a> and the Czech news site <a href=\"https:\/\/www.e15.cz\/domaci\/madari-chteji-placenou-kampani-ovlivnit-nazor-cechu-na-migraci-strasi-zabery-utoku-1410890\">E15<\/a> have separately reported that the Hungarian prime minister\u2019s office\u2019s advertisements have appeared in Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, but the number of ads has not been known until now, as Google \u2013 which owns YouTube \u2013 only publishes details three months after an advertising campaign ends. It was also not known until now that the Hungarian government also advertised in Austria, Germany, Italy and Belgium, or that the ads ran simultaneously in seven European countries.<\/p>\n<p>Neither the Hungarian Prime Minister\u2019s Cabinet Office nor Google responded to our requests for comment.<\/p>\n<h2>\u201cIf you know the rules of the ads platform, this is how you can get around it\u201d<\/h2>\n<p>Orb\u00e1n\u2019s Cabinet Office\u2019s first video advertisement ran between September 28 and October 11 2023. The second ran from October 10 to 24, 2023 in the seven countries (but only the second of the two videos ran in Belgium). Google distinguishes between two types of advertising: political and non-political. The former is subject to stricter transparency rules. For example, the US company also discloses some basic information on what types of users advertisers target with political ads and how much money they have spent on them. However, the Hungarian government ran these videos as non-political ads, as they were not technically advertising a political party in Hungary or during domestic election campaigns. The transparency of non-political advertisements is significantly more limited.<\/p>\n<p>This also means that Google\u2019s advertising transparency database only reveals the start and end time when the ads ran and the approximate number of times that Hungarian state-sponsored advertisements appeared. There is no public information on the target audience or on the amount spent on advertising. When previously contacted by Czech news site E15, Google confirmed that the relevant Hungarian government ads do not violate the terms of use and, as they do not promote political parties or politicians, are not political ads.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cGoogle is remarkably lenient in its classification of what constitutes political advertising. Based on my experience, approximately 80 percent of advertisements deemed non-political by Google are identified and rejected as political by Facebook\u2019s automated software check,\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>one expert in online political advertising campaigns with international experience, who wished to remain anonymous, told us. \u201cBeing categorized as a political ad on Google restricts your audience targeting options significantly, but Hungarian government ads running in foreign countries, not qualifying as political, allowed advertisers much broader targeting capabilities,\u201d the expert noted.<\/p>\n<p>The European Union has recently stepped up its regulation of social media platforms and their use of user data for advertising. Current EU regulations prohibit Meta (Facebook), Google and other platforms from the previous practice of essentially freely sharing users\u2019 personal data with advertisers, particularly in the case of possible use for political ads.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cNevertheless, by understanding the internal rules of these ads platforms, you can get around them to access a broader set of tools by attempting to register your advertisement as non-political,\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>the expert on online campaigning added. In the context of the Slovak elections, this strategy enabled the Hungarian government to define its target audience for officially non-political ads with much more precision than Slovak political parties, which were restricted to running ads explicitly labeled as political.<\/p>\n<p>The exact number of times the Hungarian government ads appeared is not publicly available. We only know the range of views, from the minimum and maximum possible times people saw it. At the same time, the number of views of the advertised videos on YouTube also does not reflect the number of times the videos have appeared to users via ads: According to Google\/Youtube advertising rules, an advertised display of a video only counts as a full view \u2013 i.e. it only increases the number of views below a video on Youtube \u2013 if the user watches a short-duration video (that is, a video that is less than 30 seconds long) until the end, or a longer duration video (which is longer than 30 seconds) for at least 30 seconds.<\/p>\n<p>Of the two Hungarian government videos advertised abroad, the first \u2013 which was aired before the Slovak elections and has no narration, only subtitles \u2013 is 37 seconds long and has 1.1 million views on Youtube, which means that it has been watched for at least 30 seconds this 1.1 million times. The second video, which is 14 seconds long and has narration, has only 7600 views, which is the number of viewers who watched it from start to finish. It is also not disclosed how many viewers from which countries arrived at the two advertised videos.<\/p>\n<p>However, there\u2019s a more critical metric than the sheer volume of advertisements: \u201cThe key lies in ad frequency, or how many times an individual is exposed to the same advertisement,\u201d the online political campaign expert told.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cThe traditional benchmark within the industry is seven \u2014 that is, an advertisement needs to reach an individual seven times to be effective. In other words, it\u2019s more impactful for a quarter of a million people to encounter an advertisement four times than for a million people to see it just once. Professional advertisers, like the Hungarian government, typically aim for an ad frequency between five to seven,\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>the source explained. Additionally, the specific frequency at which the Hungarian government\u2019s advertisements were broadcasted is not disclosed. \u201cSuch details are not made available in any advertising library [a public database of advertisements],\u201d the expert added.<\/p>\n<p>How much the Hungarian government spent on these foreign advertisements is also unclear. Following initial reports about the Hungarian government\u2019s foreign ads in the Polish election campaign, Hungarian independent MP \u00c1kos Hadh\u00e1zy attempted to obtain information through a public information request. However, the PM\u2019s Cabinet Office avoided giving a direct answer,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/hadhazyakos\/status\/1746888602489889205\">claiming that they do not keep<\/a>\u00a0a record of the advertisements in question. \u201cThe cost of advertising depends on more than just the number of impressions, or views; several other factors play a role. Market saturation, for example, or how many advertisers are competing for attention at the same time, can drive up prices, similar to the stock market. This is especially true during campaign periods when many are vying for visibility,\u201d the online political campaign expert said. Additionally, according to the expert, the price of advertisements is significantly influenced by how precisely an advertiser defines its target audience.<\/p>\n<p>According to Google\u2019s advertising database, Slovak political campaign videos that were similar in impressions to the two Hungarian videos cost between \u20ac2,000 and \u20ac15,000 (currently equivalent to approximately 790,000 to 5.9 million HUF). However, this may not necessarily be indicative, as the target audience for the Hungarian \u201cnon-political\u201d advertisements could be specified in much greater detail, potentially significantly increasing the cost of advertising.<\/p>\n<h2>\u201cHungary played an intensive role\u201d<\/h2>\n<p>Parliamentary elections were held in Slovakia on September 30, at which point the Orb\u00e1n government used other means \u2013 such as an interview with Robert Fico broadcast on Hungarian public media during right before the election, when all Slovak campaigns were meant to be silent \u2013 to support the campaign of the old-new Slovak prime minister, a close ally of Viktor Orb\u00e1n. Fico\u2019s victory was of particular interest to Orb\u00e1n\u2019s party, as they counted on the populist-leftist Slovak prime minister\u2019s help both to revive regional cooperation in the Visegrad Group and to block the so-called Article 7 procedure against Hungary in Brussels. Robert Fico and his far left-wing and nationalist allies, who campaigned with pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian slogans, like Orb\u00e1n\u2019s government, eventually won the election.<\/p>\n<p>Google\u2019s database shows that on September 28, two days before the Slovak election and thus during the campaign blackout period under Slovak law, the Hungarian government started running YouTube ads, the first of which was seen 900,000 to 1 million times. The second, which ran after the election, was seen somewhere between 700,000 and 800,000 times. The combined number of impressions of the two ads is roughly one third of the population of Slovakia. It is not possible to say from the public details of Google\u2019s database to what extent views of the first ad were concentrated in the days before the Slovak parliamentary elections (the ad continued after the election, so some of the views may well have been after the votes were cast).<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI was surprised by this number. It was indeed a very intensive advertisement targeting Slovakia on the issue of migration. I see no other reason for this than the Hungarian government\u2019s interest in helping to raise the issue,\u201d said former Slovak defense minister Jaroslav Na\u010f to ICJK.sk regarding the Hungarian government advertisements.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cAnd of course, you\u2019ve seen how Smer [the party of current Prime Minister Robert Fico] constantly stoked up fear against migrants, so this [ad] fits perfectly into the debate,\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>the former minister added.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIf I wanted to influence public opinion in this way, especially just a day or two before the Slovak elections, I would do the same,\u201d Na\u010f stated, emphasizing that \u201cthis kind of behavior is wrong and unacceptable. When we ran campaigns, we always targeted the citizens of Slovakia, communicating with our own citizens, not those of other countries.\u201d According to the former defense minister, \u201cHungary indeed played a very intensive role in Robert Fico winning the elections.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>By comparison, according to Google\u2019s advertising database, more intensively advertised videos put out by Slovak political campaigns had somewhere between 1 and 2 million impressions, with the most viewed video advertisement belonging to Slovakia\u2019s right-wing liberal Freedom and Solidarity party (that video made more than 10 million impressions). However, these videos were all run throughout the campaign \u2013 and before the period of campaign silence \u2013 and thus competed with each other, while the Hungarian government\u2019s video ad, labeled as non-political, was launched just as the campaign silence period began.<\/p>\n<p>Poland elected a new government on October 15. Another Orban ally, the populist right-wing Law and Justice party, in power since 2015, was favored to win \u2014 but a coalition of center-right, centrist and left-wing parties won the election, which produced record turnout. In Poland, between the end of September and mid-October, Hungarian government advertisements made a total of between one and a half and two million Hungarian government impressions, a number that is the equivalent of 4 or 5 percent of the Polish population.<\/p>\n<p>It is not possible to say, partly because of Google\u2019s limited information disclosure, which regions, cities and voter groups these ads targeted \u2013 nor do we know exactly what role, if any, they played in the outcome of the two countries\u2019 elections.<\/p>\n<div class=\"felhivas\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/tamogass-minket\/\">Help us tell the truth in Hungary. Support our work now!<\/a><\/div>\n<p>The Orb\u00e1n government\u2019s involvement in the Slovak and Polish election campaigns was not limited to video advertisements. As the author of this article\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/vsquare.org\/goulash-orban-israel-russia-hungary-slovakia\/\">previously revealed in VSquare\u2019s newsletter<\/a>, key Orb\u00e1n campaign strategist \u00c1rp\u00e1d Habony and Hungarian government-linked advisory firm Sz\u00e1zadv\u00e9g, including foreign affairs director Csaba Farag\u00f3, actively helped the campaigns of Orb\u00e1n\u2019s local allies in Central Europe. In Slovakia, this initially meant the center-left HLAS party, led by former prime minister Peter Pellegrini\u2019s, and then Robert Fico\u2019s Smer, while in Poland, it was the Law and Justice party. After Hungary\u2019s Polish allies lost the election, Polish weekly\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.polityka.pl\/tygodnikpolityka\/kraj\/2231806,1,jak-doradcy-orbna-pomogli-pis-przegrac-wybory-i-kto-ich-sprowadzil.read?src=mt\">Polityka reported<\/a>\u00a0that many in Law and Justice blamed the defeat on unnamed Hungarian campaign advisors (these Hungarians were not named at the time).<\/p>\n<p>While there were no elections in Austria, the Czech Republic or Belgium at the time of the ads, there were local elections in Germany and Italy. On October 8, both the right and the far-right gained strength in the German states of Bavaria and Hessen, thanks in part to the fact that migration was a major issue in German campaigns. It is not known, however, in which provinces or cities the Prime Minister Cabinet Office\u2019s advertisements were focused. In Italy, elections were held on October 22 in the autonomous region of northern Italy, centered on Trento, and were won by the candidate of the far-right Lega party, led by Orb\u00e1n ally Matteo Salvini. Here, too, there is no information on exactly which areas of Italy the Hungarian advertisements targeted.<\/p>\n<p>To date, the most significant known case of Hungarian government involvement in a foreign election was during the 2022 French presidential elections. Back then, the Hungarian MKB Bank financed far-right presidential candidate Marine Le Pen\u2019s campaign with \u20ac10.6 million. As the Financial Times\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.ft.com\/content\/808cc9de-221e-4b10-83a4-0e67c01bf21e\">revealed<\/a>, the request for MKB to support the French politician came from Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019s inner circle.<\/p>\n<p><em>Karin K\u0151v\u00e1ry S\u00f3lymos (Investigative Center of J\u00e1n Kuciak) contributed to this article.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Cover by P\u00e9ter Somogyi (szarvas)\/Telex<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>While the Hungarian government is very sensitive to its own sovereignty, it has also been running serious advertising campaigns in Slovakia and Poland, among others, during the elections there. Direkt36 analyzed the available data on the Hungarian government\u2019s advertising campaign targeting seven countries.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":10842,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[620,618,56,619,128,615,476,160,186,190,481,486,616,617,500,621,290,317,320,344],"ppma_author":[549],"aioseo_notices":[],"fimg_url":["https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/02\/hirdetesek.jpg",2250,1500,false],"authors":[{"term_id":549,"user_id":23,"is_guest":0,"slug":"szabolcs","display_name":"Szabolcs Panyi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Panyi-Szabolcs.png","url2x":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Panyi-Szabolcs.png"},"author_category":"","user_url":"","last_name":"Panyi","first_name":"Szabolcs","job_title":"","description":"[:hu]Az ELTE magyar nyelv \u00e9s irodalom szak\u00e1n diplom\u00e1zott. 2013 \u00e9s 2018 k\u00f6z\u00f6tt az Index.hu politika rovat\u00e1nak volt szerkeszt\u0151je \u00e9s \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00f3ja. 2017-18-ban Fulbright-\u00f6szt\u00f6nd\u00edjjal az Arizona State University-n tanult oknyomoz\u00f3 \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00e1st. 2018 \u0151sz\u00e9n csatlakozott a Direkt36-hoz, ahol f\u0151k\u00e9nt nemzetbiztons\u00e1gi \u00e9s k\u00fclpolitikai vonatkoz\u00e1s\u00fa t\u00f6rt\u00e9neteken dolgozik. Mellette a vars\u00f3i k\u00f6zpont\u00fa VSquare.org visegr\u00e1di r\u00e9gi\u00f3s t\u00e9nyfelt\u00e1r\u00f3 \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00f3i platform egyik alap\u00edt\u00f3ja, 2023-t\u00f3l a k\u00f6z\u00e9p-eur\u00f3pai oknyomoz\u00e1sok vezet\u0151je. N\u00e9gyszer nyert Min\u0151s\u00e9gi \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00e1s\u00e9rt d\u00edjat \u00e9s szint\u00e9n n\u00e9gyszer Transparency-Soma-d\u00edjat, 2018-ban \u00e9s 2021-ben pedig az Eur\u00f3pai Sajt\u00f3 D\u00edj d\u00f6nt\u0151se volt.[:en]Szabolcs graduated from E\u00f6tv\u00f6s Lor\u00e1nd University where he studied Hungarian language and literature. Between 2013 and 2018, he was an editor and political reporter at Index.hu. At Arizona State University, he studied investigative journalism on a Fulbright Fellowship in 2017-2018. In the fall of 2018, he joined Direkt36, where he mainly works on stories related to national security and foreign policy. Meanwhile, he helped launch VSquare.org, a Warsaw-based cross-border investigative journalism initiative for the Visegr\u00e1d region, where he is currently leading the Central Eastern European investigations. He received the Quality Journalism Award and the Transparency-Soma Award four times each, and he was also shortlisted for the European Press Prize in 2018 and 2021.[:]"}],"tag_names":[{"name":"Austria","slug":"ausztria"},{"name":"Belgium","slug":"belgium"},{"name":"migration","slug":"bevandorlas"},{"name":"Czech Republic","slug":"csehorszag"},{"name":"\u00c1kos Hadh\u00e1zy","slug":"hadhazy-akos"},{"name":"advertisements","slug":"hirdetesek"},{"name":"law and justice","slug":"jog-es-igazsagossag"},{"name":"campaign","slug":"kampany"},{"name":"public money","slug":"kozpenz"},{"name":"foreign policy","slug":"kulpolitika"},{"name":"Poland","slug":"lengyelorszag"},{"name":"MKB Bank","slug":"mkb-bank"},{"name":"Germany","slug":"nemetorszag"},{"name":"Italy","slug":"olaszorszag"},{"name":"propaganda","slug":"propaganda"},{"name":"Robert Fico","slug":"robert-fico"},{"name":"Antal Rog\u00e1n","slug":"rogan-antal"},{"name":"Slovakia","slug":"szlovakia"},{"name":"sovereignty","slug":"szuverenitas"},{"name":"election","slug":"valasztas"}],"category_names":[{"name":"Secrets of the Propaganda Machine","slug":"mediapolitika"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10840"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10840"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10840\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10844,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10840\/revisions\/10844"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10842"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10840"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10840"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10840"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=10840"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}