{"id":13013,"date":"2026-04-09T18:02:04","date_gmt":"2026-04-09T16:02:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/?p=13013"},"modified":"2026-04-10T12:26:10","modified_gmt":"2026-04-10T10:26:10","slug":"duruzsol-a-miniszterelnok-fulebe-lazar-janos-szamuzetesenek-es-visszateresenek-szinfalak-mogotti-tortenete","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/duruzsol-a-miniszterelnok-fulebe-lazar-janos-szamuzetesenek-es-visszateresenek-szinfalak-mogotti-tortenete\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cHe whispers in the prime minister\u2019s ear\u201d – Inside J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s exile and return"},"content":{"rendered":"

In 2018, Fidesz secured its third consecutive victory with a constitutional two-thirds majority, and on the surface, the party appeared united and disciplined. Behind the scenes, however, there was at least one dissatisfied politician who, despite withdrawing from the public eye, regularly voiced his dislike in hallway conversations.<\/p>\n

This man was J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r, up until then arguable the second most powerful person in the government as Minister of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office. L\u00e1z\u00e1r, however, did not become a member of the new Orb\u00e1n government formed after the April 2018 election.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r did not like the fact that several politicians belonging to Fidesz\u2019s younger generation had quickly risen to positions of influence. He particularly liked to take jabs at Gergely Guly\u00e1s, who took over the leadership of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office from him in 2018. \u201cL\u00e1z\u00e1r would mock him behind his back, saying how poorly he was doing his job and criticizing the government press briefings held by Guly\u00e1s,\u201d the source said.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r was, in fact, particularly proud that, as a minister, he spent hours every Thursday answering journalists\u2019 questions, and he believed that Guly\u00e1s was performing much worse in comparison.<\/p>\n

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While talking with Fidesz lawmakers, L\u00e1z\u00e1r repeatedly made fun of the embarrassment caused to Fidesz faction leader M\u00e1t\u00e9 Kocsis when a former liberal politician referred to him as a homosexual in one of her Facebook posts (Kocsis lost the lawsuit he filed on the issue). By joking about this, L\u00e1z\u00e1r also undermined the authority of Kocsis in the eyes of other Fidesz MPs.<\/p>\n

Behind L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s taunting lied a deeper criticism. According to people close to him, he believes that there are two different types of Fidesz politicians. The first type consists of the younger, urban generation such as Ministers Gergely Guly\u00e1s and Antal Rog\u00e1n, as well as faction leader M\u00e1t\u00e9 Kocsis, whom he considers \u201cspoiled, too soft,\u201d without firm beliefs, representing whatever the social majority happens to support at the moment.<\/p>\n

The second type – according to a source familiar with his political thinking – where he also puts himself along with former president J\u00e1nos \u00c1der, House Speaker L\u00e1szl\u00f3 K\u00f6v\u00e9r, and Deputy PM Zsolt Semj\u00e9n, is the \u201crural Fidesz.\u201d According to L\u00e1z\u00e1r, they are not characterized by pragmatic thinking, but rather by having visions and principles for which they try to win the support of the majority.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r also dislikes Rog\u00e1n and Guly\u00e1s because he believes he was pushed out of the government in 2018 because of their lobbying efforts. According to him, however, this group failed to handle the challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic and other crises, which is why PM Viktor Orb\u00e1n called him back into the government in 2022. According to a source familiar with the politician, L\u00e1z\u00e1r saw significant opportunities in his return; he felt he could finally get his revenge for the wrongs done to him.<\/p>\n

Since then, L\u00e1z\u00e1r has once again emerged as a key figure in the government and inside Fidesz. He has become one of the most active ruling party politicians in the campaign and has once again found his way into Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019s inner circle.<\/p>\n

Direkt36 wanted to know how L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s sidelining eight years ago unfolded and how he managed to return to the government and, with it, to the center of power. After speaking with nearly twenty sources with insights into the government, it became clear that he was sidelined in 2018 because Orb\u00e1n himself felt that L\u00e1z\u00e1r had too much ambition, and there were even rumors that he was eyeing the prime minister\u2019s position.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r then accepted that his time had not yet come and began rebuilding his position with the help of, among others, L\u0151rinc M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, the billionaire friend of Orb\u00e1n, who also lobbied Orb\u00e1n on L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s behalf during the formation of the 2022 government. After returning to the government, L\u00e1z\u00e1r was actively seeking Orb\u00e1n’s company and, during their one-on-one meetings, tried to convince the PM that he was better prepared than the other ministers and had a much clearer understanding of his colleagues\u2019 portfolios.<\/p>\n

We sent L\u00e1z\u00e1r a detailed list of questions regarding the claims made in the article, but the politician did not respond. On behalf of Orb\u00e1n, the Government Information Center labeled some of our questions as \u201cfake news.\u201d However, when asked how Orb\u00e1n had handled L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s ambitions to become prime minister prior to 2018, they replied, \u201cwell.\u201d M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros also did not respond to our questions.<\/p>\n

Chapter I: The Fall<\/strong><\/h2>\n
\"L\u00e1z\u00e1r<\/picture><\/div>\n
L\u00e1z\u00e1r, while still serving as Minister in charge of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office. Source: Kormany.hu<\/em><\/div>\n

J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r listened in shock as the prime minister spoke on the morning of April 20, 2018, on Kossuth Radio, a station part of the government\u2019s propaganda machine.<\/p>\n

A few days after the election that resulted in yet another Fidesz victory, Orb\u00e1n revealed an interesting detail about the composition of his new government. \u201cI would like to restructure the central part, the brain center of the government; we modestly call this the Prime Minister\u2019s Office. I would like to create a different kind of leadership structure here,\u201d the prime minister explained. With this, he made it clear that he would dismiss L\u00e1z\u00e1r, who headed the ministry.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r learned of all this through the radio. Even before the interview, the politician had expected that at their upcoming meeting in a few days, Orb\u00e1n would first discuss with him personally what role he intended for him in the next term.<\/p>\n

According to one of his acquaintances, L\u00e1z\u00e1r found the prime minister\u2019s move so humiliating that he immediately called Orb\u00e1n\u2019s personal secretary and canceled his planned meeting with him. In order to quickly regain the initiative, he also spoke out publicly. He told the local radio station in H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely that he was leaving the government and would return to his individual constituency for the next term. After that, he even switched off his phone.<\/p>\n

According to an acquaintance, L\u00e1z\u00e1r remained defiant even when he finally met with the prime minister at a later date.<\/p>\n

\u201cOrb\u00e1n asked him what he wanted to do in the future, and J\u00e1nos replied that he wanted to play tennis,\u201d the source said.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The meeting went so badly that the two politicians didn\u2019t speak to each other for nearly two years, and L\u00e1z\u00e1r lost almost all of his political influence for a time.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n put the politician in this unpleasant situation because he felt that L\u00e1z\u00e1r was overly ambitious, and the conflicts he generated were straining the framework of the system the prime minister had built.<\/p>\n

Not long before, it seemed that L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s meteoric rise\u2014having spent the first part of his political career as mayor of H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely\u2014was unstoppable. Orb\u00e1n had taken notice of the politician, who performed skillfully and also aided Fidesz\u2019s economic inner circle, even during Fidesz\u2019s years in opposition. As a reward, L\u00e1z\u00e1r became the leader of the Fidesz parliamentary group after the 2010 change of government. And starting in 2012, he headed Orb\u00e1n\u2019s office, the Prime Minister\u2019s Office, first as a state secretary and later as a minister. In this role, he gradually amassed a vast portfolio, overseeing everything from the distribution of EU funds and foreign intelligence to the expansion of the Paks nuclear power plant.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n entrusted him with so many responsibilities because L\u00e1z\u00e1r was able to effectively enforce political will throughout the government apparatus. According to a former government official, L\u00e1z\u00e1r also productively led the meetings of state secretaries, which were attended by dozens of deputy state secretaries. \u201cIf someone rambled on, he cut them off; if no new arguments were presented, he made a quick decision,\u201d said one participant in the meetings, who noted that L\u00e1z\u00e1r \u201cthrived in this role.\u201d At the weekly government briefings held for journalists, he also cultivated the image of a well-prepared politician.<\/p>\n

However, in conveying Orb\u00e1n\u2019s political will, he clashed with numerous government figures. \u201cHe offended everyone; he charged ahead like a tank,\u201d said a source with insight into the government\u2019s work. L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s confrontational personality generated further clashes beyond this. It became widely known within the party that if his fellow party members shared their critical opinions about Fidesz\u2019s leadership with him in confidence, he would later pass this information on, thereby putting those who had trusted him in an awkward position.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n\u2019s trust in him, however, remained unshaken for a long time, and so L\u00e1z\u00e1r allowed himself to become increasingly bold. He publicly criticized government officials and policies, which was highly unusual within the ruling party. In fact, at times it seemed as though he was even criticizing the prime minister. \u201cWhile they\u2019re watching football, I\u2019m working,\u201d he said, for example, in 2015, referring to the Fidesz leadership\u2019s obsession with the sport.<\/p>\n

As a result, it came up more and more often in conversations among Fidesz politicians that L\u00e1z\u00e1r had ambitions to become prime minister.<\/p>\n

\u201cAfter a while, L\u00e1z\u00e1r began to act like a potential successor, like an internal challenger,\u201d said a former pro-government MP, referring to the fact that many within Fidesz felt L\u00e1z\u00e1r had begun to compete with Orb\u00e1n.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r spoke openly about his ambitions within a smaller circle. According to a source close to the politician, in the second half of the 2014\u201318 term, L\u00e1z\u00e1r explained to a group of friends at a restaurant that \u201che wasn\u2019t turning against Orb\u00e1n, but if circumstances turned out that way,\u201d he wanted to become prime minister.<\/p>\n

Since several people within Fidesz had learned of L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s intentions, rumors spread within the ruling party that the minister was plotting behind Orb\u00e1n\u2019s back. According to sources within the ruling party, these rumors suggested that if Fidesz did not secure a convincing parliamentary majority after the 2018 election, L\u00e1z\u00e1r would join forces with Jobbik to oust Orb\u00e1n from power.<\/p>\n

However, this was not supported by concrete evidence. According to a source close to L\u00e1z\u00e1r, the rumors may have stemmed from the fact that L\u00e1z\u00e1r, preparing for the post-Orb\u00e1n era, had skillfully built his network of contacts, maintaining a dialogue with several politicians from major opposition parties, such as the left-wing MSZP and Jobbik, which was shifting from the far right toward the center. Among them was G\u00e1bor Vona, then-chairman of Jobbik.<\/p>\n

According to a source familiar with Jobbik\u2019s internal affairs, L\u00e1z\u00e1r, while still serving as parliamentary group leader, would regularly sit down to talk with Vona over dinner.<\/p>\n

\u201cL\u00e1z\u00e1r would explain the government\u2019s actions at these meetings\u2014what they were doing and why,\u201dsaid the source, who has information about the meetings.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

According to the source, however, these conversations were intended to help the two politicians get to know each other better, rather than to coordinate behind the scenes. (In response to our inquiry, Vona confirmed that after 2010 there was indeed a period when he dined with L\u00e1z\u00e1r on a monthly basis; however, after 2014 these meetings ceased, and they met only in the corridors of parliament.)<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, other matters also gave rise to mistrust toward L\u00e1z\u00e1r. He oversaw the Information Office (IO), which was responsible for foreign intelligence and had engaged in politically risky operations. These included, for example, when the IO monitored the investigators from the EU\u2019s anti-fraud office, OLAF, who were conducting an investigation in Hungary. Between 2015 and 2017, OLAF investigators examined public lighting projects carried out by the prime minister\u2019s son-in-law, Istv\u00e1n Tiborcz, using EU funds. Through this surveillance, the IO was also able to obtain information regarding the Orb\u00e1n family\u2019s business affairs.<\/p>\n

All of this aroused suspicion within the prime minister\u2019s inner circle, and it was a recurring topic among pro-government politicians that L\u00e1z\u00e1r was using the IO for political purposes.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe rumor among Fidesz lawmakers at the time was that he was targeting the Orb\u00e1n family,\u201d said a source with insight into the ruling party\u2019s operations regarding L\u00e1z\u00e1r.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r himself reinforced this mistrust by boasting in private circles that he possessed confidential information about pro-government politicians and businesspeople. \u201cHe\u2019s the type who constantly hints and insinuates; that\u2019s essentially his charm,\u201d said a source close to L\u00e1z\u00e1r.<\/p>\n

At the same time, the prime minister took several steps to weaken L\u00e1z\u00e1r. In the fall of 2015, Orb\u00e1n appointed Antal Rog\u00e1n as his chief of staff with ministerial rank. The ministry led by Rog\u00e1n took over from L\u00e1z\u00e1r the oversight of government communications and state advertising expenditures. With this move, the prime minister set the stage for a rivalry between Rog\u00e1n and L\u00e1z\u00e1r. A sign of this was that both politicians believed that issues embarrassing to them\u2014such as L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s pheasant hunting abroad and Rog\u00e1n\u2019s helicopter flights\u2014had been made public due to the other\u2019s scheming.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r was not only bothered by Rog\u00e1n\u2019s growing influence. In the summer of 2016, government propaganda launched a personal attack against Zolt\u00e1n Sp\u00e9der, a banker with close ties to the government, while authorities simultaneously conducted searches at his home.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt was like in The Godfather\u2014it was spectacular, meant to send a message,\u201d said a former government official about the coordinated operation, adding that Sp\u00e9der had angered the prime minister by overstepping his bounds in the financial sector on his own initiative.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

According to the source, the crackdown was also a message intended for L\u00e1z\u00e1r. L\u00e1z\u00e1r, who maintained a friendly relationship with Sp\u00e9der, oversaw as minister those state-owned companies\u2014the Hungarian Development Bank, the Hungarian Post\u2014where the banker had gradually expanded his influence. Later, Orb\u00e1n took these areas away from L\u00e1z\u00e1r, while simultaneously ousting Sp\u00e9der from all his key positions related to the economy and the media.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r thus gradually became a liability for Orb\u00e1n, who decided to entrust Gergely Guly\u00e1s with the leadership of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office in his next government. \u201cIt\u2019s typical of Orb\u00e1n to occasionally put people in a jar and then take them later off the shelf,\u201d said a former government official about Orb\u00e1n\u2019s personnel policy.<\/p>\n

This is exactly what happened to J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r after the 2018 election, whom the prime minister placed on a distant shelf.<\/p>\n

Chapter II: The Exile<\/h2>\n
\n
\n
\n
\"K\u00e9t<\/picture><\/div>
In the company of two his key associates, N\u00e1ndor Csepreghy (right) and \u00c1kos Krakk\u00f3. Source: J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s Facebook page<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

In the summer of 2018, L\u00e1z\u00e1r was given an office in a secluded location instead of his former parliamentary office. He settled into one of the government\u2019s administrative buildings on Iskola Street, near Batthy\u00e1ny Square.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r did not choose this secluded location himself. The government assigned one of the smaller offices there to the politician, who had been appointed as the Prime Minister\u2019s Commissioner for the Protection of Non-Smokers. For this position, which was not considered particularly politically significant, he was given a secretariat consisting of a single staff member.<\/p>\n

All of this clearly demonstrated just how much L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s situation had changed after his ouster from the government\u2014a man who, at the height of his power, had commanded an apparatus of thousands.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r was not only simply pushed out of Orb\u00e1n\u2019s inner circle, but leading government politicians who had previously clashed with him sought to curtail L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s influence and attempted to oust his most loyal associates from their positions.<\/p>\n

This also affected N\u00e1ndor Csepreghy, one of L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s confidants, who served as deputy minister in the Prime Minister\u2019s Office until 2018. Although he had hoped to become a member of parliament, he was not even placed on a symbolic spot on the party list for the 2018 election, a sign that L\u00e1z\u00e1r was being sidelined. According to a source familiar with the events, Csepreghy was later offered the chance to remain in the newly formed government, but \u201che would have to loosen his ties with J\u00e1nos.\u201d He refused to do so, and thus did not receive any position.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s other close confidant, \u00c1kos Krakk\u00f3, who handled his press affairs, faced a similar fate. After 2018, Krakk\u00f3 wanted to return to his former workplace, H\u00edr TV. Around that time, the channel had just been taken out of the ownership of Lajos Simicska\u2014who had long built Fidesz\u2019s economic base but had since turned against the prime minister\u2014and had once again become a key player in the government\u2019s propaganda machine. However, H\u00edr TV ultimately did not rehire Krakk\u00f3. \u201cThey were blacklisted; they couldn\u2019t get any position,\u201d \u2014said a source familiar with the events regarding Csepreghy and Krakk\u00f3.<\/p>\n

After some time, the situation of L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s two confidants was resolved. Both were hired by the Blue Planet Climate Protection Foundation, which J\u00e1nos \u00c1der had founded while he was still president. Csepreghy became the foundation\u2019s director, while Krakk\u00f3 became its communications director. In an interview, L\u00e1z\u00e1r listed \u00c1der\u2014along with Simicska and Sp\u00e9der\u2014among those with whom he maintained a good personal relationship even after they had come into conflict with Orb\u00e1n.<\/p>\n

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However, L\u00e1z\u00e1r was not able to keep all of his people by his side. Among them was D\u00e1vid H\u00e9jj, who served as L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s chief of staff after 2010 and later as deputy state secretary at the Prime Minister\u2019s Office. He owed his influence to his role in maintaining relations with members of parliament, which gave him precise knowledge of how to persuade individual politicians. After L\u00e1z\u00e1r was ousted from the government in 2018, H\u00e9jj became a member of the Prime Minister\u2019s staff. After some time, Orb\u00e1n entrusted him with coordinating government consultations.<\/p>\n

Because of this\u2014according to a source familiar with the story\u2014L\u00e1z\u00e1r harbored a distinct grudge against his former subordinate.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r clearly found it difficult to cope with the measures taken against him and his colleagues. In the period following the 2018 election, he adopted a defiant attitude in public and even snapped at Orb\u00e1n.<\/p>\n

When the new Fidesz parliamentary group was formed in May 2018, he did not attend the official group photo, claiming he had overslept. In the parliamentary chamber, he requested a seat in the back row\u2014far from Fidesz\u2019s leading politicians\u2014citing that his former mentor, Andr\u00e1s Rapcs\u00e1k, the former mayor of H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely, had previously sat there.<\/p>\n

Even from the back row, he closely followed Orb\u00e1n\u2019s speech at the inaugural session of the new National Assembly. In it, the prime minister outlined his government\u2019s goals through 2030. The next day, L\u00e1z\u00e1r said that one of the transportation development projects in H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely could be completed within a few years. Thus, locals will soon \u201cfeel like they\u2019re in 2030,\u201d he said, referring to the Prime Minister\u2019s statement from the previous day.<\/p>\n

A few weeks later, L\u00e1z\u00e1r sent another message to the prime minister. He posted a video on Facebook showing him playing cards with friends, and wrote in the caption: \u201cOn Friday night, they\u2019re teaching me how to play ulti (a card game, liked by Orb\u00e1n himself) in the hope of the future.\u201d The politician was referring to Orb\u00e1n\u2019s earlier remark, made as a guest at the Bib\u00f3 College, that his successor must possess numerous skills, including the ability to play ulti.<\/p>\n

After a while, he stopped with these jabs, realizing he needed to curb his ambitions. He told an acquaintance at the time that the lesson he had learned from previous years was not to fight Orb\u00e1n.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe put it this way: he accepts Orb\u00e1n\u2019s reign, and as long as the king is in his place, he won\u2019t try to seize the throne,\u201d recalled the source,<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

who noted that L\u00e1z\u00e1r had previously spoken often about \u201cwhen his time would come,\u201d when he would become prime minister.<\/p>\n

Since L\u00e1z\u00e1r had not achieved much in national politics during this period, he increasingly turned toward the business world. Even as head of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office, he was already in contact with some members of the German and Austrian economic elite. \u201cHe has always been an aristocrat\u2019s dependent, so to speak,\u201d a government official said of him. By this, he meant that L\u00e1z\u00e1r particularly enjoyed the company of members of wealthy dynasties with a long history, the so-called \u201cold money.\u201d<\/p>\n

After 2018, he grew closer to the Austrian industrial magnate Turnauer family from his former circle of contacts. The Turnauers began building their business empire as early as the 1940s, during which time they were involved in the production of varnish and packaging materials, among other things, and also founded a private bank. The family was also known for having previously supported the far-right Austrian FP\u00d6, a party allied with Fidesz.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s June 2018 financial disclosure statement revealed that the politician had acquired a 10 percent stake in the Turnauers\u2019 Budapest-based real estate company, Divatcsarnok Projekt Zrt. This company owns the office building called Divatcsarnok on Andr\u00e1ssy Avenue, and the company is primarily engaged in leasing this property.<\/p>\n

In 2022, L\u00e1z\u00e1r told one of his acquaintances that the period after 2018 was partly about managing the Turnauers\u2019 real estate portfolio in Hungary. During this time, he frequently visited the Austrian family in Vienna. \u201cHe immersed himself in it, learned, and mastered the real estate business,\u201d said the source, who added that the politician spoke of all this with pride.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, he was also preparing for a return to government.<\/p>\n

Chapter III: M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros steps in<\/strong><\/h2>\n
\"L\u00e1z\u00e1r<\/picture><\/div>\n
L\u00e1z\u00e1r spent his political exile in the countryside. Source: J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s Facebook page<\/em><\/div>\n

In the first days of May 2022, L\u00e1z\u00e1r met with an acquaintance he hadn\u2019t seen in a long time.<\/p>\n

As they got into the conversation, the issue of forming a government also came up. A few weeks earlier, Fidesz had once again won the parliamentary election, and Orb\u00e1n had stated in a press release that it was conceivable that L\u00e1z\u00e1r would become a minister again.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r told his acquaintance that \u201che would very much like to be given the agriculture portfolio, expanded to include rural development, but that probably won\u2019t happen.\u201d Although he did not mention it, the reason for this was that the prime minister wanted to prevent L\u00e1z\u00e1r from building a political power base for himself in the agricultural sector\u2014where he had become increasingly comfortable in recent years.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r also shared with his acquaintance that although Orb\u00e1n did not want to grant his request, he had \u201cput a lot of pressure on him\u201d to become a member of his new government. To L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s conversation partner, this came across as follows: In the deteriorating economic situation, Orb\u00e1n wanted to have Fidesz\u2019s \u201cmore autonomous figures\u201d by his side, who could capitalize on any potential future loss of popularity for the government.<\/p>\n

It took some time for Orb\u00e1n to reach an agreement with L\u00e1z\u00e1r regarding his government position. According to a source close to L\u00e1z\u00e1r, the prime minister offered him, for example, oversight of the Paks expansion project, which was seriously behind schedule, but the politician did not accept it.\u00a0 \u201cWhoever gets it is in for a rough ride\u201d\u2014according to a source close to the government, this is how L\u00e1z\u00e1r explained to him why he turned down the position, which held little promise of political success.<\/p>\n

The stalemate was resolved by L\u0151rinc M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, an influential figure in the economic circle surrounding Fidesz, with whom L\u00e1z\u00e1r had by then built an increasingly close relationship. According to a government official, M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros intervened because Orb\u00e1n wanted to entrust the supervision of state investments to L\u00e1szl\u00f3 Palkovics in his new government as well.\u00a0 However, M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros was dissatisfied with Palkovics because he felt the minister was not sufficiently cooperative with him. For this reason, M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros began lobbying the prime minister on L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s behalf. And this, according to several government sources, contributed to the politician becoming minister of construction.<\/p>\n

At the end of 2022\u2014after Palkovics left the government\u2014L\u00e1z\u00e1r was also given the transportation portfolio. \u201cHe basically became the minister for M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros affairs,\u201d said one government official about L\u00e1z\u00e1r. By this, he meant that despite government budget cuts, L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s portfolio remained crucial for M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, who is a key player in state railway and construction contracts.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r had begun to build ties with M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros much earlier. He took his first steps in this direction in the fall of 2018, after leaving the government, when he was appointed government commissioner responsible for the state-owned Mez\u0151hegyes Stud Farm.<\/p>\n

Farming was already familiar territory for L\u00e1z\u00e1r at that time. His uncle owned a major agricultural company in H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely, and the politician had been involved in its management since the early 2000s.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe was the embodiment of the strong rural Fidesz supporter, for whom the land is important, who farms, and who is culturally tied to the gentry world of the Horthy regime,\u201d said one opposition representative who has known the politician for a long time, speaking about L\u00e1z\u00e1r.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This image was further reinforced after he was put in charge of the Mez\u0151hegyes Stud Farm, one of the country\u2019s largest agricultural estates.<\/p>\n

At the state-owned farm overseen by L\u00e1z\u00e1r, figures linked to M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros gradually assumed an increasingly prominent role. One of the major entrepreneur\u2019s companies, M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros \u00e9s M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros Zrt., won a contract worth nearly 22 billion forints (appr. 61 million euros at the time) in November 2021 to develop the Mez\u0151hegyes irrigation system. In December 2021, Szabolcs Makai, CEO of M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros\u2019s agricultural company, Talentis Agro Zrt., joined the board of directors of the stud farm.<\/p>\n

According to a businessman close to the government, L\u00e1z\u00e1r regularly visited Felcs\u00fat during this time, where M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros\u2019s companies are headquartered. The businessman saw the politician waiting outside M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros\u2019s office there on several occasions. \u201cA man of great knowledge, a serious ally of mine\u201d\u2014according to the source, this is how M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros boasted to him about his relationship with L\u00e1z\u00e1r.<\/p>\n

During this period, L\u00e1z\u00e1r not only grew close to M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, but also settled his relationship with Orb\u00e1n. In the fall of 2021, the prime minister visited L\u00e1z\u00e1r and even posted a photo of them grilling fish together on the banks of the Tisza River. According to a political advisor with government connections, the two politicians had effectively reconciled at this point following their 2018 falling-out.<\/p>\n

By the fall of 2021, L\u00e1z\u00e1r already suspected that he would soon be back in office. After the 2022 election, following some back-and-forth, he eventually became Minister of Construction, and a few months later, he was also given the transportation portfolio.<\/p>\n

The minister, however, had greater ambitions.<\/p>\n

Chapter IV: On Orb\u00e1n\u2019s Side<\/h2>\n
\"A<\/picture><\/div>\n
\n
He returned to Orb\u00e1n\u2019s inner circle during the 2026 campaign.\u00a0 Source: J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r’s Facebook page<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n

In recent years, a recurring episode at cabinet meetings has been J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r getting into arguments with Agriculture Minister Istv\u00e1n Nagy.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhile Pista Nagy is speaking, L\u00e1z\u00e1r starts talking louder and louder right in the middle of his sentence,\u201d said a source familiar with what happens at government meetings, describing how the two ministers\u2019 arguments typically begin.<\/p>\n

According to the source, L\u00e1z\u00e1r then tries to use data to prove why the agriculture minister is wrong on the issue at hand. Istv\u00e1n Nagy, in keeping with his usual demeanor, tends to respond to this in a restrained manner, but L\u00e1z\u00e1r, constantly interrupting, does not always allow the agriculture minister to present his counterarguments.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n does not usually intervene in these debates, giving free rein to the conflicts between his ministers.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe likes and enjoys this sort of thing. He waits for things to resolve themselves,\u201d the source said of the prime minister.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r expresses his views not only on agricultural issues\u2014a field he is familiar with\u2014but also on other sectors. According to a source with inside information on government meetings, in addition to Istv\u00e1n Nagy, he has also had clashes with M\u00e1rton Nagy, the minister of national economy, and Csaba Lantos, the minister of energy.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r is so confident partly because he has reestablished a close relationship with the prime minister in recent years. \u201cHe\u2019s been working on Orb\u00e1n since 2022,\u201d said one government official, referring to the fact that L\u00e1z\u00e1r specifically sought out the prime minister\u2019s company. Even during breaks in cabinet meetings, he tried to seize the opportunity to exchange a few words with Orb\u00e1n in private.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe whispers in the prime minister\u2019s ear,\u201d said the government official, noting that during their personal meetings, L\u00e1z\u00e1r tried to convince Orb\u00e1n that he had a better grasp of certain issues than the relevant minister. According to one of L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s acquaintances, the politician even boasts that while traveling from H\u00f3dmez\u0151v\u00e1s\u00e1rhely to Budapest, he reads up on other ministers\u2019 portfolios, so he knows more about them than they do.<\/p>\n

\u201cAfter a while, Orb\u00e1n came to see L\u00e1z\u00e1r as someone who is always on hand, someone he can count on, someone who is prepared,\u201d the government official said.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

According to the source, because of his close working relationship with Orb\u00e1n, L\u00e1z\u00e1r prefers not to bring proposals before the government that he hasn\u2019t discussed with the prime minister beforehand. He thus always frames his remarks in such a way that he is effectively presenting the proposal at Orb\u00e1n\u2019s request. \u201cAfter that, it\u2019s hard to argue against them,\u201d said the source, noting that this limits other government members\u2019 ability to voice criticism.<\/p>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r also likes to emphasize in public that he frequently consults with Orb\u00e1n. During his campaign events, he has mentioned on several occasions that the prime minister called him on his way there, and that he will report back to him after the forum about what was said.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n also insists on these regular conversations. According to a source with ties to the government, it is characteristic of the prime minister to gather information by regularly calling people on the phone and asking them, \u201cWhat\u2019s the news? What have you heard?\u201d According to the source, in recent times, in addition to Foreign Minister P\u00e9ter Szijj\u00e1rt\u00f3, he has been particularly fond of calling L\u00e1z\u00e1r.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n was also impressed by how L\u00e1z\u00e1r reacted to the Tisza\u2019s flooding in the spring of 2025. It was then that L\u00e1z\u00e1r launched his series of events called \u201cL\u00e1z\u00e1rinf\u00f3,\u201d where anyone could ask questions freely. He explained this by noting that while Fidesz had held almost exclusively closed-door events prior to the current election campaign, the leader of the opposition, P\u00e9ter Magyar spoke publicly before crowds gathered in towns and villages. L\u00e1z\u00e1r sought to take on Magyar through his forums.<\/p>\n

Although Fidesz voters welcomed L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s entertaining, confident performances, several within the ruling party criticized the \u201cL\u00e1z\u00e1rinfos.\u201d A government source said as early as last summer that, according to Fidesz\u2019s campaign staff, L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s presentations \u201ccompletely shift the focus\u201d and divert attention from other important campaign issues. According to another source, government officials were displeased that L\u00e1z\u00e1r had criticized several pro-government figures, such as M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, during his forums.\u00a0 Although M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros had previously helped facilitate L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s return, their relationship had since soured.<\/p>\n

Orb\u00e1n, however, liked L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s posts and repeatedly assured his minister of his support. According to a government source, the fact that the statements made on L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s forums generated public debate further strengthened L\u00e1z\u00e1r in the prime minister\u2019s eyes.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe took away from it that L\u00e1z\u00e1r is a good politician, which is why he is being attacked. In his view, anyone who isn\u2019t attacked can\u2019t be a good politician,\u201d the source said of Orb\u00e1n\u2019s thinking.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

According to the source, all of this contributed to the prime minister eventually instructing Fidesz constituency chairmen to invite L\u00e1z\u00e1r to their forums.<\/p>\n

As the parliamentary election approached, the Minister of Construction thus played an increasingly important role in the campaign. He not only toured the constituencies but also became involved in the selection process for Fidesz\u2019s independent candidates.<\/p>\n

According to one of the party\u2019s independent candidates, L\u00e1z\u00e1r participated in the meetings held in the spring and summer of 2025, during which the party leadership interviewed Fidesz\u2019s individual candidates.\u00a0 At the meetings held at Fidesz\u2019s headquarters on Lendvay Street in Budapet, in addition to the candidates, G\u00e1bor Kubatov, Fidesz\u2019s party director; Gergely Guly\u00e1s, Minister of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office; D\u00e1vid H\u00e9jj, government commissioner responsible for intergovernmental coordination; one of Fidesz\u2019s regional directors; and L\u00e1z\u00e1r were usually present.<\/p>\n

During these meetings, they discussed the situation in the given constituency, the candidate\u2019s level of support, how to secure a victory, and what kind of assistance the candidate might need. L\u00e1z\u00e1r attended the meetings in his capacity as Minister of Construction and Transportation.\u00a0 \u201cInfrastructure issues generally came up in every district; L\u00e1z\u00e1r took these on himself and indicated that he would handle them,\u201d said one participant.\u00a0 All of this strengthened L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s influence within the party, since if he pushed a project in a given constituency, it increased the candidate\u2019s chances of winning.<\/p>\n

Join the Direkt36 supporters\u2019 group and get insight into investigative journalism! Details \u2192<\/a><\/strong><\/h3>\n

L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s seemingly unstoppable rise came to a halt when, at a forum this past January, he spoke disparagingly about the Roma community, which is considered one of Fidesz\u2019s key voter bases. He said that Roma people constitute the domestic labor reserve, who could, for example, be put to work cleaning the \u201cfilthy restrooms\u201d on Intercity trains. Although L\u00e1z\u00e1r initially defended his remarks, he later apologized after, according to a government source, Orb\u00e1n firmly instructed his minister to put an end to the matter.<\/p>\n

According to an advisor familiar with the politician and connected to the government, L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s statement, which put the government in an awkward position, came as no surprise. \u201cHe\u2019s a creative, impulsive politician, and the kind of person who would sell his soul for a good joke,\u201d the source said, noting that a few weeks later, L\u00e1z\u00e1r was already joking about Orb\u00e1n\u2019s weight.\u00a0 He mentioned that meat consumption among Hungarian men has increased in recent years, \u201cand not all of it is on the prime minister.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to the source, L\u00e1z\u00e1r is otherwise pessimistic about the parliamentary election and puts Fidesz\u2019s chances of victory at just 50 percent. And if they do win on April 12, he would become Minister of Agriculture. In this role, he aims to ensure that the proportion of Hungarian ownership in agriculture\u2014from production to trade\u2014is as high as possible compared to foreign players. \u201cBetween 2026 and 2030, if you and Viktor Orb\u00e1n give me the opportunity, I will turn the rural agricultural world upside down\u2014I guarantee it,\u201d he said of his plans at a February L\u00e1z\u00e1rinfo event.<\/p>\n

Cover picture: M\u00e1t\u00e9 Fill\u00e9r \/ Telex<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

J\u00e1nos L\u00e1z\u00e1r\u2019s 2018 spat with Viktor Orb\u00e1n was more heated than previously known. It took L\u00e1z\u00e1r many years of hard work to return to the center of power, and he needed the help of L\u0151rinc M\u00e9sz\u00e1ros, a government near businessman and Orb\u00e1n ally to do so. According to research by Direkt36, after 2022, L\u00e1z\u00e1r actively sought out Orb\u00e1n\u2019s company, trying to convince him that he was far better prepared than his fellow ministers.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":25,"featured_media":13019,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[31,899,109,123,156,895,183,898,752,897,259,896],"ppma_author":[547,522,545],"aioseo_notices":[],"fimg_url":["https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/lazar_jans_d36-copy.jpg",2251,1500,false],"authors":[{"term_id":547,"user_id":25,"is_guest":0,"slug":"pufi","display_name":"Andr\u00e1s Szab\u00f3","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Szabo-Andras.png","url2x":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Szabo-Andras.png"},"author_category":"","user_url":"","last_name":"Szab\u00f3","first_name":"Andr\u00e1s","job_title":"","description":"[:hu]Andr\u00e1s nyolc \u00e9vig dolgozott \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00f3k\u00e9nt az Orig\u00f3n\u00e1l, \u00e9s t\u00f6bb \u00e9vet elt\u00f6lt\u00f6tt az Indexn\u00e9l \u00e9s a vs.hu-n\u00e1l is. A Direkt36-n\u00e1l az orosz-magyar kapcsolatokkal, a Fidesz-k\u00f6zeli \u00fczleti k\u00f6r\u00f6k tev\u00e9kenys\u00e9g\u00e9vel, \u00e9s az Orb\u00e1n-korm\u00e1ny d\u00f6nt\u00e9shozatal\u00e1nak folyamataival foglalkozik. 2011-ben G\u0151b\u00f6ly\u00f6s Soma-d\u00edjat, 2010-ben pedig Min\u0151s\u00e9gi \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00e1s\u00e9rt d\u00edjat nyert, mindkett\u0151t az\u00e9rt a cikksorozat\u00e1\u00e9rt, amely a Gyurcs\u00e1ny-korm\u00e1ny egyik korrupci\u00f3gyan\u00fas ingatlanelad\u00e1s\u00e1t mutatta be.[:en]Andr\u00e1s worked eight years as a journalist at Origo, a then prestigious online news site, but also spent several years at Index and vs.hu news outlets. At Direkt36 he covers Russian-Hungarian relations, activities of business circles close to Fidesz, and political decision making processes of the Orb\u00e1n government. In 2011 he received the G\u0151b\u00f6ly\u00f6s Soma Award dedicated to investigative journalism in Hungary, and in 2010 he won the Quality Journalism Award, both for a series of articles that focused on a corruption case connected to the former Socialist-led government.[:]"},{"term_id":522,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"andraspetho","display_name":"Andr\u00e1s Peth\u0151","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Petho-Andras.png","url2x":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Petho-Andras.png"},"author_category":"1","user_url":"","last_name":"Peth\u0151","first_name":"Andr\u00e1s","job_title":"","description":"[:hu]Andr\u00e1s a Direkt36 egyik alap\u00edt\u00f3ja, szerkeszt\u0151je \u00e9s \u00fcgyvezet\u0151 igazgat\u00f3ja. Kor\u00e1bban az Origo vezet\u0151 szerkeszt\u0151je volt, miel\u0151tt a port\u00e1l r\u00e9sze lett a korm\u00e1ny propagandag\u00e9pezet\u00e9nek. Andr\u00e1s dolgozott a BBC World Service-n\u00e9l Londonban \u00e9s a Washington Post t\u00e9nyfelt\u00e1r\u00f3 rovat\u00e1n\u00e1l is. R\u00e9szt vett sz\u00e1mos nagy nemzetk\u00f6zi nyomoz\u00f3 projektben, k\u00f6zt\u00fck a Panama-iratok feldolgoz\u00e1s\u00e1ban. K\u00e9tszer is elnyerte a legjobbnak \u00edt\u00e9lt t\u00e9nyfelt\u00e1r\u00f3 cikkek szerz\u0151inek j\u00e1r\u00f3 Soma-d\u00edjat. T\u00f6bbsz\u00f6r tanult \u00f6szt\u00f6nd\u00edjjal az Egyes\u00fclt \u00c1llamokban: 2008-ban a World Press Institute programj\u00e1ban, 2012-13-ban Humphrey-\u00f6szt\u00f6nd\u00edjask\u00e9nt a Marylandi Egyetemen, 2019-20-ban pedig Nieman-\u00f6szt\u00f6nd\u00edjask\u00e9nt a Harvard Egyetemen. Andr\u00e1s t\u00f6bb magyar egyetemen is tan\u00edtott \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00f3 kurzusokat.[:en]Andr\u00e1s is co-founder, editor and executive director of Direkt36. Previously, he was a senior editor for leading Hungarian news site Origo before it had been transformed into the government\u2019s propaganda outlet. He also worked for the BBC World Service in London and was a reporter at the investigative unit of The Washington Post. He has contributed to several international reporting projects, including The Panama Papers and the Pegasus Project. He plays a leading role in the production of Direkt36\u2019s documentaries, including The Dynasty, the award-winning film on the business empire of Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019s family. He won the Soma Prize, the prestigious annual award dedicated to investigative journalism in Hungary, three times. He was a World Press Institute fellow in 2008, a Humphrey fellow at the University of Maryland in 2012\/13, and a Nieman fellow at Harvard University in 2019\/20. Andr\u00e1s has taught journalism courses at Hungarian universities.[:]"},{"term_id":545,"user_id":29,"is_guest":0,"slug":"patrik","display_name":"Patrik Galavits","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Galavits-Patrik.png","url2x":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Galavits-Patrik.png"},"author_category":"","user_url":"","last_name":"Galavits","first_name":"Patrik","job_title":"","description":"[:hu]Az NKE-n szerzett igazgat\u00e1sszervez\u0151 \u00e9s nemzetk\u00f6zi igazgat\u00e1si diplom\u00e1val el\u0151bb multikn\u00e1l dolgozott, innen v\u00e1ltott az \u00fajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00e1sra. Volt riporter \u00e9s m\u0171sorvezet\u0151 a Klubr\u00e1di\u00f3n\u00e1l, podcastot k\u00e9sz\u00edtett \u00e9s cikkeket \u00edrt az Azonnali.hu-n\u00e1l, majd a Forbes Magyarorsz\u00e1g munkat\u00e1rsak\u00e9nt dolgozott. 2019-ben \u00f6szt\u00f6nd\u00edjjal k\u00e9t h\u00f3napot a nyugat-n\u00e9metorsz\u00e1gi k\u00f6zszolg\u00e1lati m\u00e9di\u00e1n\u00e1l, a WDR-n\u00e9l t\u00f6lt\u00f6tt, 2022-ben az Egyes\u00fclt \u00c1llamok k\u00fcl\u00fcgyminiszt\u00e9riuma \u00e1ltal szervezett program, az IVLP r\u00e9sztvev\u0151je volt. T\u00f6bbsz\u00f6r jel\u00f6lt\u00e9k Min\u0151s\u00e9gi \u00dajs\u00e1g\u00edr\u00e1s\u00e9rt-d\u00edjra, 2021-ben az egykori balettint\u00e9zeti vissza\u00e9l\u00e9seket \u00e9s zaklat\u00e1sokat felt\u00e1r\u00f3 cikksorozat\u00e1\u00e9rt Transparency-Soma-d\u00edjra.[:en]Patrik graduated in Public and International Administration from the National University of Public Service. He started out as a private sector employee at multinational corporations before he ventured into journalism. He became a reporter and radio show host at Klubr\u00e1di\u00f3, then he produced a podcast and wrote articles at Azonnali.hu. Most recently he worked at Forbes Hungary. In 2019, he won a grant at WDR, a public broadcaster based in Germany. In 2022, he took part in an International Visitor Leadership Program for journalists, organized by the United States Department of State. He has been nominated for the Quality Journalism Award multiple times. His investigative article series involving abuses and sexual harassment at the Hungarian Dance Academy earned him a nomination for the Transparency Soma Award in 2021.[:]"}],"tag_names":[{"name":"J\u00e1nos \u00c1der","slug":"ader-janos"},{"name":"csepreghy n\u00e1ndor","slug":"csepreghy-nandor"},{"name":"Fidesz","slug":"fidesz"},{"name":"Gergely Guly\u00e1s","slug":"gulyas-gergely"},{"name":"jobbik","slug":"jobbik"},{"name":"kocsis m\u00e1t\u00e9","slug":"kocsis-mate"},{"name":"L\u00e1szl\u00f3 K\u00f6v\u00e9r","slug":"kover-laszlo"},{"name":"krakk\u00f3 \u00e1kos","slug":"krakko-akos"},{"name":"L\u00e1z\u00e1r J\u00e1nos","slug":"lazar-janos"},{"name":"mez\u0151hegyes","slug":"mezohegyes"},{"name":"Viktor Orb\u00e1n","slug":"orban-viktor"},{"name":"vona g\u00e1bor","slug":"vona-gabor"}],"category_names":[{"name":"Direkt36","slug":"direkt36"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13013"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/25"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13013"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13013\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13030,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13013\/revisions\/13030"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13019"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13013"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13013"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13013"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.direkt36.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=13013"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}